Читать книгу: «Memoirs of General Count Rapp, First aide-de-camp to Napoleon», страница 14
CHAPTER XXXVIII
But the Allies did not well second the elements which were fighting for them. Instead of at once coming to the attack, they wasted their time in miserable intrigues: there were proclamations on proclamations, some for the magistracy, some for the inhabitants, some for the soldiers. Some were excited to revolt, others to desert: the brave Poles, the Westphalians, the Bavarians, were, in turns, solicited, pressed, and menaced. This paper-war gave me little uneasiness; I knew the fidelity of my troops; I had the greatest confidence in them. I gave them a proof of it; as soon as the proclamations reached us, I had them read at the head of the regiments. This open conduct pleased them; they were grateful for it; they only had the greater contempt for an enemy who seemed to hold their honour more cheap than their courage, and they themselves often brought to me these fine productions of Russian genius, without having even read them.
The besiegers persisted in remaining inactive before the place: I occasionally roused them from the lethargy into which they were plunged. These gentlemen threatened us rather insolently with an assault; they had even, towards the end of January, ordered a great number of ladders in the villages of the Werder. I resolved to make them see that we were not yet reduced so low. On the 29th I put some troops in motion in the direction of Brantau; General Granjean debouched from Stries with four battalions, a troop of cavalry, and two field-pieces; he routed, in his excursion, some bands of Baskirs and Cossacks: this was the prelude to a more serious action.
I knew that fresh troops had arrived before the place, and that they were spread about in the Nerhung, and occupied in force Bohnsack and Stries: I sent to reconnoitre them. General Detrées was charged with this expedition. He routed, at first, every thing which presented itself in his way; but his riflemen abandoned themselves too much to the pursuit, and had nearly become victims of their rashness: a cloud of Cossacks fell on them, and would have cut them to pieces if Colonel Farine had not saved them. We were less fortunate at another point: our advanced posts had orders to keep under arms, to observe the movements of the enemy, but not to engage in action: Colonel Heering, who commanded at Stolzenberg, could not contain himself; he imprudently descended into the plain, and attacked the Cossacks with thoughtless impetuosity; his troops, surprised in a defile, could not withstand the shock of the cavalry, and were broken. This piece of folly cost us 250 men. The enemy grew warm: this trivial success had given them confidence. Towards three in the afternoon, their columns presented themselves before Langfuhr, and succeeded in establishing themselves there. Thirty men posted in front of this village were taken prisoners: they had gone into a house, and had made a long resistance; the ground was heaped with dead, but, seeing no chance of relief, they were obliged to lay down their arms, for want of ammunition. I immediately gave orders to retake this position: General Granjean began to march with eight battalions, four pieces of artillery, and some cavalry: the attack was completely successful; the Russians were routed and put to flight. They endeavoured to return to the charge, but, always broken, always overwhelmed by our cavalry, they appeared at last decided on retreating. We were not slow in following their example. The field of battle was nearly deserted, when the Neapolitans left in Langfuhr were suddenly assaulted by swarms of Cossacks, supported by a numerous infantry. General Husson and the Commandant Szembeck came up rapidly with a Polish battalion, charged the enemy with the bayonet, and made a dreadful slaughter of them.
This check calmed the petulance of the Allies; there was no more question about ladders or assaults. On my side, I left them quiet: I was not in a condition to give them frequent alarms. My troops were exhausted: on their legs night and day, worn out by disease, pierced with cold, badly clothed, still worse fed, they could with difficulty sustain themselves:—nothing equalled their wretchedness but the resignation with which they supported it. Soldiers with their noses and ears frost-bitten, or wounds still open, cheerfully performed the service of the advanced posts. When I saw them defiling on parade, muffled up in furs, their heads wrapped in bandages, or walking with the help of sticks, I was affected even to tears. I should willingly have given some relief to men so unfortunate, but yet so constant: the Russians did not suffer it. They had imagined that their proclamations had produced all the effect they expected from them; that we were fighting among ourselves, and that the people were in a state of revolt: they resolved to profit by such a fine conjuncture, and to take us.
It was now the month of March; on the 5th, at daybreak, they poured like swarms on my advanced posts, they covered, they inundated all my line, and spread themselves in multitudes in the villages which it included. At the report of so sudden an attack, I gave the necessary orders, and proceeded towards Langfuhr with the General of division Granjean. We had scarcely gone a few steps when we heard the charge furiously sounded: it was the chiefs of battalion Claumont and Blaer, who were charging with the bayonet a column of Russians of 3 or 4000 men, and dispersing them. We doubled our speed in order to assist them, but the attack had been so impetuous that we could not arrive in time: we reached the village just as the acclamations of the soldiers announced their victory. I hastened to congratulate them on this fine feat of arms, which it really was, as less than 800 men had completely routed four times their number of infantry and cavalry. They had even nearly got possession of their cannon; three Neapolitan voltigeurs were already cutting the traces of the horses that had been killed, when they were charged in their turn and obliged to leave their prize.
Fortune was less favourable to us in other points: General Franceschi supported himself with difficulty in advance of Alt-Schottland, he gave ground, defending it, however, foot by foot: he followed his instructions, and saved time. The brave Colonel Buthler came in haste to his assistance. Scarcely had the Bavarians arrived at the first houses of the village, when they rushed with impetuosity on the enemy, repulsed him, charged him with the bayonet, and succeeded in preventing his advance; but while they were making a resistance on one side, the Russians threatened them on the other. After three unsuccessful attacks, they had at last triumphed over the fine resistance of the chief of battalion Clement, and had made themselves masters of Stolzenberg: they were already debouching from this village, and were about to take us in flank. This movement should have been decisive; I hastened to prevent it. I gave orders to the sixth Neapolitan regiment to occupy on the right a small hill which strengthened our position. General Detrées conducted the attack, charged, and took the summit; the enemy hastily attempted to retake it, but could not succeed. Quite covered with bruises, with his clothes full of holes from bullets, Colonel Dégennero opposed an invincible resistance, and forced them to retreat. In the mean time, General Bachelu, with four battalions under his orders, mounted the heights on the right of Schidlitz: on a sudden he rushes on the Allies, attacks them in flank, and overthrows them. In vain they endeavour to fortify themselves in the houses; our voltigeurs, led on by Lieutenant Bouvenot and the sub-officer Tarride, break through the window-frames, destroy the doors, kill, take, or disperse all that they meet, and get possession of one piece of artillery: a Russian General animated his troops to defend it, but the impulse was given; three brave fellows, the sub-lieutenant Vanus, the Quarter-masters Autresol and Hatuite, rush furiously upon it, and get possession of it.
It was three o'clock in the afternoon, and the Allies still occupied Schottland and Ohra; notwithstanding his courage, the chief of battalion Boulan had not been able to dislodge them. I resolved to try a second time a manœuvre which had so well succeeded;—I turned them. While I led on a false attack by the head of Schottland, General Bachelu masked his march, and went towards Ohra; he was followed by three battalions of infantry, a hundred and fifty horses and a light battery. Our troops boiled with impatience; as soon as they heard the charge begin, they uttered cries of joy, sprang forwards against the enemy, broke his ranks, and completely routed him. He rallied, and returned to the charge; but the grape-shot was redoubled: the bayonet carried disorder among his ranks. He flies, he endeavours to escape through every outlet, but finds none that are not intercepted. Necessity rouses his courage, he rallies, debouches, and rushes on us. The confusion becomes terrible. He struggles to escape from disgrace, our soldiers to consummate the victory; on either side, they press on; they attack with fury. An adjutant-major of the 29th of the line, Delondres, rushed into the middle of the Russians; a few brave fellows followed him: death and confusion waited on his steps; but soon overpowered by their number, exhausted by large wounds, he is obliged to lay down his arms: but his spirits return; he recovers himself; indignation gives him strength: he attacks his escort, takes it, and comes to bear a part in the victory: it was no longer disputed. Our troops, who had come forth at the noise of the firing, had ranged themselves in front of Ohra, and commenced a destructive firing, which overpowered the enemy:—he gave way, broke his ranks, and only escaped death by invoking the clemency of the conqueror.
In a moment the streets were heaped with the dead. Five hundred men laid down their arms: most of them belonged to that army of Moldavia which we had almost destroyed at the passage of the Beresina.
The enemy fled in every direction. In the Nerhung, at Neufahrwasser, every where, he expiated by defeat the success which he had gained by surprise. Major Nongarède had only to shew himself, to disperse clouds of Cossacks who were skirmishing without success with some weak Neapolitan posts which we had in the rear. Some detachments of dragoons gave chase to the Russians who had ventured in front of Saspe, and took Brasen.
We again occupied the positions that we held before the attack: unfortunately they had cost us dear. We had 600 men hors de combat; it is true that most of these soon recovered from their wounds. Of this number was Major Horadam, Colonel d'Egloffstein, and General Devilliers, who will be found to figure so often in this narrative.
The enemy had suffered more; 2000 of their troops lay on the dust, we had between 11 and 12,000 prisoners in our hands, and one piece of artillery.
This day was one of the most glorious of the siege: it was a fresh example of what courage and discipline may effect. Under the walls of Dantzic, as at the passage of the Beresina, worn out by want or by disease, we were still the same; we appeared on the field of battle with the same ascendancy, the same superiority.
CHAPTER XXXIX
The Russians might have been satisfied. It was not likely that they would return soon to the charge. However, the transactions of the 5th had convinced me of the necessity of different measures, which I was unwilling to take. They had only succeeded in penetrating as far as the foot of Bichofsberg, where Colonel Figuier was keeping a strict look out, by the protection of an old convent of Capuchins: this neighbourhood was too dangerous; I caused the old edifice to be pulled down. Some houses in several villages, and particularly in Schottland, were fortified. We had retaken this place, but with great difficulty: the resistance had been so great, that it was at one time a question whether we should not burn it. I rejected this cruel expedient: I could not make up my mind to ruin inhabitants who had already suffered so much during the first siege. I thought it more honourable to drive off the Russians at the point of the bayonet, and I succeeded; but I did not like to run this perilous risk again.
In the mean time the epidemic was far from subsiding: it appeared, on the contrary, to gather fresh strength every day. Six thousand men had already perished; 18,000 men were lying inanimate in the hospitals. General Franceschi, whom death had spared so many times on the field of battle, had just expired. Every hour, every minute, increased our losses, and carried off our most valiant soldiers. Substantial food would have saved them; but our provisions were coming to an end. We had no longer any quantity of animal food or cattle; straw even was wanting for the beds of our sick: I resolved on seeking for some remedy for evils which so many brave men were enduring. The attempt was dangerous; but they well deserved that I should expose myself to some dangers in order to relieve them.
For a long time I had purposed sending an expedition against Quadendorf, where it was supposed there were abundant resources. I had hitherto deferred it because the troops which were at my disposal appeared to me insufficient; but necessity spoke more forcibly than all these considerations: I hesitated no longer. General Devilliers crowned the heights of Wonneberg and of Pitzendorf; his right supported on Zigangenberg, and the left by the brigade of General Husson. He commenced without delay an alternate fire of artillery and musquetry. While the enemy returned this harmless fire as well as they could, General Heudelet debouched by the valley of Matzlaw, and got possession of the post charged with its defence. General Bachelu marched in front. Twelve hundred men, and six pieces of cannon, under the command of General Gault, were advancing in the second line, and formed the reserve. Five hundred Russians wished to prevent our entrance into Borgfeld. They were trampled under foot: all who escaped the bayonet perished by the edge of the sabre: all were put to death. The enemy came up with their masses, and were not more successful. Overpowered, broken before they were in a state of defence, they found safety only in flight. They were not allowed time to place their artillery in battery; pursued without intermission, they were obliged to leave the field without firing a single round: the Poles were irresistible; chiefs and soldiers, all rushed on the Russians with a determination and boldness of which there is no example. A drummer, the brave Mattuzalik, knocked down one of the enemy with his drumsticks, and compelled him to surrender.
While we drove them before us, General Heudelet threatened their rear. As soon as the enemy perceived this movement, it was no longer a flight, it was disorder, confusion, of which it is difficult to form an idea. They deserted their wounded and their hospitals; they evacuated, with all speed, Schweiskopff, Saint-Albrecht, and did not halt till they reached the other side of Praust, which our voltigeurs entered pell-mell with them.
On arriving at Saint-Albrecht, I learned that the Russians were still maintaining their ground on the banks of the Mottlaw. I made arrangements to prevent their receiving any relief while we attacked them. Major Scifferlitz, with a battalion of the 13th Bavarian, assisted by a company of Westphalians and the flotilla, was charged with this attack. It took place with perfect concert and great impetuosity: 300 Russians were laid in the dust with their chief, who had fallen under the blows of the brave Zarlinwski; the remainder were drowned or taken. A hundred of them were escaping through the inundation, when they were overtaken by Lieutenant Faber, who charged them at the head of some brave troops, up to the neck in water, and brought them back. A mere boy, young Kern, animated our soldiers; he went before them; excited them; he threw himself into the thickest of the fight. His comrades paused, and hesitated to follow him. He turned to them with the boldness which courage inspires; "Forward! Bavarians!" he exclaimed, and they were carried away by his impulse.
The day was drawing to a close: the Russians displayed such large numbers of troops in front of Quadendorf, that I did not judge it right to continue the attack. We returned to Dantzic, after having caused the enemy an immense loss, and having taken from them 350 men. This was almost the only result of so brilliant a sally. Scarcely did it procure us a hundred head of cattle. We had been anticipated: all that the villages had contained had been removed to the rear.
Independently of the attempt to procure provisions, I had another object in view, which did not succeed better. Since the commencement of the blockade I had no channel of communication with the French army: I was not aware of its force, or of its fortune. I had put every means in operation in order to get some information on these points; but the hatred was so general and so rooted, no bribery had been able to overcome it. I hoped that the burgomasters would be more tractable, but they knew nothing but the reports that were circulated by the Russians. I remained in a state of the most complete ignorance of every thing that was going on around me.
After all, whatever might be the course of events, the place was to be defended, and defended to the very last moment; that is to say, we had to live as long as possible with the resources that we still possessed. I redoubled my economy; and, as something is generally gained by an interchange of ideas, I formed a commission which was exclusively charged with the care of the provisions. Count Heudelet was the president; it was of very great service. It applied itself in a particular manner to ameliorate the condition of the hospitals. It made purchases of linen, of medicines, and substituted for butter, which was no longer to be procured, gelatine. All the wine and fresh meat we had was reserved for the sick; and in order that they might not fail us, the commission seized, after a valuation on both sides, the cellars and the cattle which were found in the place. The troops no longer received any animal food but the flesh of horses, which had been obtained in the same way. But all the cares of the commission could not subdue the epidemic: it might be said that this cruel pest was inflamed in proportion to the opposition it met. Continually more violent, more irremediable, it burst forth with fresh strength in those places that it had already attacked, and assailed those that had before escaped. Weichselmunde, Neufahrwasser, previously free from its attacks, now became a prey to its ravages. The troops, the population, from one extremity of our lines to the other, struggled in the agonies of a cruel disease. Those who escaped, and those who fell, equally deserved pity. Given up to all the convulsions of delirium, they wept, they groaned, they dwelt on the remembrance of their battles and their pleasures, which no longer existed but in their dreams.—Now calm, now furious, they called on their country, their parents, the friends of their childhood; they prayed for, they shuddered at, the destiny of the brave men who had perished;—torn alternately by contrary passions, they breathed out the remnant of life in the horrors of despair.
The more remedies were lavished, the more the sufferings increased. The evil spread by means of those very efforts which were used to destroy it. Every day of the last fortnight of March carried off more than 200 men. The epidemic gradually ceased to be so destructive; but it was not till the end of May that it was subdued altogether. It had by that time swept away 5500 inhabitants, and 12,000 brave soldiers. Among this number was General Gault: an excellent officer, a soldier full of courage—he deserved a better lot.
Disease was making war on us for the benefit of the Russians, while they themselves disturbed us but very little. The expedition of Borgfeld had cooled their courage; they made intrenchments, they fortified themselves, they were only engaged in defensive measures. Nevertheless, as it was absolutely necessary to give some signs of life, they every now and then endeavoured to surprise my advanced posts. Annoyed by these insignificant attacks, I wished in return to break their slumbers as they were breaking ours. They had above Brentau a signal which furnished me with the means. Our business was to burn it: I intrusted the management of it to two officers, whose intelligence and courage I had experienced. They were the chiefs of battalion Zsembeck and Potocki. On a dark night they went forth from Langfuhr, and marched for a long time without being perceived: discharges of musquetry at length apprised them that they were discovered; they immediately rushed on and overthrew the enemy. Potocki advanced towards Brentau, and dispersed a numerous body of infantry which opposed his passage. Forty men threw themselves into a kind of block-house: a voltigeur followed them, and summoned them to surrender; he was killed. The Poles, quite furious, immediately inundated the redoubt, and exterminated all the Russians that it contained.
Whilst these things were going on in the village, Zsembeck made himself master of the signal. He set fire to it, and immediately descended into the plain, overthrew and cut to pieces the detachments which he found in his way, and pushed on as far as the walls of Oliwa, where he threw some shells. At the same time the brave Devillain, quarter-master to the eighth, swept, with a dozen hussars, all that part of our advanced posts. He charged with so much boldness that the Cossacks were terrified and broken. Success encouraged him; he extended himself to the right, reconnoitred, searched the wood, and did not join our troops till the moment they were retiring.
Meanwhile all the signals were on fire. The Russian army ran to arms, and expected every moment to see itself attacked; it passed in this state the rest of the night and the whole of the next day. We repaid them in a mass the alarms which they had given us in detail.
The political horizon became every day more cloudy. Prussia had thrown aside the mask; she made war against us by insurrection. This event could not be hidden from the soldiers, the Russians had too great an interest in informing them of it. I consequently threw no obstacle in the way of its being made known. Immediately attempts to seduce the soldiers again began to be resorted to. The enemy thought that the confidence and attachment of our troops were shaken. The disproportion between the means of attack and defence, money, promises, every thing was brought into play to engage them to desert. A bounty was offered as a recompense for shame: I was justified in offering one as a reward for fidelity. I promised a reward of 200 francs to any one who should deliver up a man convicted of seducing our soldiers. This measure had its effect. Most of the emissaries that the besiegers had in the place were pointed out to me. According to our laws they had incurred the pain of death; but men in general are less wicked than unfortunate. Nearly all of them were fathers of families who had yielded to necessity. I delivered them up to the derision of the soldiers; I ordered their heads to be shaved, and dismissed them. This device kept them at home; I was freed from them without having recourse to executions.
The garrison appeared very little disturbed by the increase which it had learned the enemy had received. Nevertheless I wished it to judge of itself what it was still capable of. It was near Easter. The weather was mild, the sky clear. I appointed a review; it took place in the face of the army which was besieging us. At daybreak the inhabitants, the sick even, occupied the heights of Langfuhr; they spread themselves on the glacis and avenues, and crowned all the ascents from the plain which separates Stries from Oliwa. The troops were not long before they appeared. Seven thousand men, followed by a numerous artillery, all in magnificent condition, successively ranged themselves in order of battle. They manœuvred, they defiled, with unparalleled precision. The Russians, astonished at so much boldness, did not venture to trouble us: they, also ranged in order of battle, were spectators of our movements, without throwing any obstacle in the way. It would have been, however, a fine opportunity for them; not a piece was loaded; I had particularly prohibited the use of cartridge. The bayonet alone was to punish them, if they were rash enough to give the slightest insult. This measure was, perhaps, rather a bold one, but it was necessary to exalt the courage of the soldier, and to convince him of the contempt that the boasting of foreigners deserved.
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